Rt Hon Malcolm Fraser AC CH

Malcolm Fraser was born in Melbourne on 21st May, 1930 and educated at Melbourne Grammar and Oxford University where he took his degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics graduating in 1952.  He is the son of the late J. Neville Fraser, LL.B.  His grandfather, Sir Simon Fraser, immigrated to Australia from Nova Scotia in the early 1850's, and was elected to the first Federal Senate in 1901, having been a delegate in 1897/98 to the Convention which drafted the Federal Constitution. 

Shortly after his return to Australia, Malcolm Fraser, gained Liberal Party pre-selection for the electorate of Wannon in south west Victoria and was elected to the Federal Parliament in 1955 during the Menzies Government. As a Private Member, he was Chairman of the Government Member's Defence Committee from 1963 to 1965 and a member of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs from 1962 to 1966.He was also Secretary of the Government Members' Committee on Housing, Food and Agriculture, Industrial Relations, Research and Science and Communications.  In 1964 he was appointed a member of the Council of the Australian National University on which he served until January 1966.In 1964, the United States Government invited Malcolm Fraser, as a representative of the Government Party, and Mr Whitlam as a member of the Opposition Party, to visit America for two months.  This was the inaugural visit by Australian Parliamentarians under a scheme set up by the United States to enable prominent Members to gain an understanding of that country and to study those aspects of American policy and administration in which they have a special interest. Before returning to Australia, Malcolm Fraser toured South East Asia extensively, including visits to Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore. In 1965, as a Private Member, Mr Fraser visited Indonesia during the period of confrontation and studied many aspects of that country's Government and of her relations with Australia.  

Malcolm Fraser was first appointed to the Ministry with the Army portfolio in January 1966 and in February 1968 he was promoted to Cabinet rank with the post of Minister for Education and Science.  He was appointed Minister of State for Defence on 12th November, 1969.As Minister for the Army, Mr Fraser made visits to Vietnam in January 1966 and in July 1967.  During his 1966 mission, he also visited the Philippines, Thailand, Laos and Malaysia, including the Malaysian/Borneo states, and also Brunei. As Minister for Education and Science, Malcolm Fraser was abroad as leader of an Australian cultural mission to Italy in April 1969 and as the representative of the Australian Government at the Singapore 150th Anniversary celebrations in August 1969. In 1970, following his appointment as Minister for Defence, he visited Vietnam, the United States and New Zealand. Mr Fraser resigned his Defence portfolio on 8th March, 1971.He was re-appointed to the Ministry with Cabinet rank on 20th August, 1971 and served as Minister for Education and Science until the change in Government at the December 2 General Elections in 1972.In January, 1973, Malcolm Fraser was appointed Liberal Party spokesman on Primary Industry. In June and July of 1973, he made a private business trip to South East Asia, the United Kingdom and Canada. On 3rd August, 1973, he was appointed Liberal Party Spokesman on Labour and Immigration and later was appointed Opposition Spokesman solely on Labour relations. 

On 21st March 1975, Malcolm Fraser became the Leader of the Opposition.  Mr Fraser was appointed to the Privy Council on 25th February, 1976.  He was appointed a Companion of Honour on 26th January, 1977.  He was appointed a Companion of the Order of Australia on 13th June 1988.  

On the 11th November, 1975, following the dismissal of the Labor Prime Minister, Mr Fraser was appointed Prime Minister of a Caretaker Government pending the outcome of a General Election. 

Under Mr Fraser's leadership the Liberal and National Country Party Coalition achieved a record majority in the ensuing 1975 election.  Mr Fraser's Government was subsequently re-elected in the two succeeding elections, in 1977 and 1980.  On 25th February 1983 Mr Fraser became Australia's second longest serving Prime Minister.  Mr Fraser resigned from the Parliament in April 1983 after nearly 28 years as the Member for Wannon. In Washington, in September 1980, B'nai B'rith International presented Mr Fraser with its President's Gold Medal for Humanitarian Services. 

Mr Fraser has also been appointed to the following: 

          Honorary Doctor of Law, University of South Carolina, 8/7/81 

          Honorary Doctor of Letters, Deakin University, Geelong, Victoria, 15/12/89

          Honorary Fellow Magdalen College, Oxford, 4/11/82

          Honorary Vice President   Oxford Society, 27/6/83

          Senior Adjunct Fellow Center for Strategic and International Studies, 19/8/83

         Honorary Vice President Royal Commonwealth Society, 13/10/83

         Distinguished International Fellow  American Enterprise Institute Public Policy Research  1/1/84

        Fellow for International Council of Associates Claremont University April 1985

        Member, Byrnes International  Advisory Board University of South Carolina May 1985 

        Fellow of the Center for International Affairs Harvard University  September 1985 

Mr Fraser has been a Member of the InterAction Council for Former Heads of Government since its inauguration in 1983 and is currently Chairman. In September 1985 Mr Fraser chaired the United Nations hearings in New York on the Role of Multinationals in South Africa and Namibia. Mr Fraser was Co-Chairman of the Commonwealth Committee of Eminent Persons which was formed to encourage a process of dialogue and reform in South Africa.  Oct. '85 - Aug. '86 In 1989 he was appointed Chairman of the United Nations Committee on African Commodity Problems which reported to Secretary-General de Cuellar in June 1990. Mr Fraser has been Chairman of CARE Australia since 1987.  He was President of CARE International from 1990-1995, and is currently Vice President.

Mr Fraser is married with four children, and nine grandchildren. He likes to devote any spare time to his interests of photography, fishing and vintage cars.

Interview with Malcolm Fraser 

Do you see yourself as a leader and what vision are you working towards?

Well I think whether anyone is regarded as a leader or not really depends upon the judgment of other people. But from the positions I've had, either in government or leading a government or with CARE Australia, clearly I've tried to lead a country and an organisation. I'd like to see an Australia that is strong, independent, self-confident, reliant upon its own capacities for its future security and safety, concerned for the well-being of all its citizens coming from many different places around the world, and I'd like to see a country that wasn't too reliant on any major stakes. We shouldn't be regarded as a deputy for somebody else. We are ourselves and we should become known more and more just as Australians.

In 1949 at the age of 19 you went to Oxford and studied Philosophy, Politics and Economics. Do you believe that the Australian educational system does enough to challenge and inspire our youth to strive for excellence? Are there any improvements you'd like to see in the developing of Australian talent and leadership?

When I went to University in England, I'd gone from Melbourne Grammar and clearly, people who went just from school to University, in Britain were much better prepared, were more broadly educated than I was, coming from Australia. I suspect a fair bit of that has changed and, watching our children and grandchildren being educated, I really do believe that enormous strides have been made in Australian education, but having an intelligent, adaptable, self-reliant community is probably the most priceless asset that any country can have, and I would like to think that our education system at all levels was giving the best opportunity to Australians or a better opportunity to Australians than might be available to other countries around the world.  I suspect that we haven't invested enough in education to achieve that degree of excellence, but it's something we should all strive for and work for.

What's motivated you to follow the path you've chosen in your professional life?

Somethings, sometimes happened by accident, the liberal pre-selection for Wannon was vacant when I first stood two or three lifetimes ago in 1954.  Then I got into Federal Parliament and was concerned for the future security for the well-being of this country. I was worried of the strength of some of the divisions within Australia in the 50's and 60's. I think a lot of these have dissipated. I think we are now a more cohesive society, a more unified society. But  really whatever I've tried to do has been because of a belief, a view of Australia and a passionate concern for the future of the country. 

Have you had any mentors or role-models and how have they influenced you?

In some ways there have been mentors and role-models out of books and also out of real life. Not necessarily from figures who are well-known. But you see somebody who sets an example, who sets a standard - you see somebody who has fought for an objective through out his life and you start to say to yourself, well, these people have achieved great things, can I achieve just a small part of that.

Why do you believe that there is a need for an Australian Bill of Rights and what are the practical implications of this with respect to protecting and guaranteeing basic rights for all Australians?

Well, I am certain now that a basic Bill of Rights is necessary because our Commonwealth system has so patently failed a number of people. It has patently failed Aboriginals who were taken away from their families, not all that long ago. And it's also patently failed young Aboriginals who are put in detention as a mandatory sentence without giving the magistrate or the court a discretion in the matter. There are a number of other areas where the Commonwealth System has not protected the rights of individual Australians and these can all be itemised by special legislation that has been passed, human rights legislation, special programs for migrant groups, the administrative appeals tribunal, the ombudsman. These are all areas where the common law system was letting down Australians and where special legislation has indeed been passed. Now, the Bill of Rights would fit into our current system. We could no longer say that's not so because Britain, the prime, first, best common law country has now adopted a Parliamentary Bill of Rights equivalent to the European Union Standards. And that will be a good starting place for us also in examining what we would want to do here. But now if Britain says this is going to be an addition to the rights of people from the United Kingdom, it is not going to contravene any rights that we have under the common law because they all continue to exist and if they say this will be to the advantage of Britain, I think we can make the same judgments about Australia.

In the Vincent Lingiari Memorial Lecture that you delivered in August 2000, you said that, "the government should alter its policy and avoid forcing more people to fight for justice through the courts." That, "under the discriminatory ordinances, it was then legal to take half-caste children from their families," and from the  O'Loughlin judgement in Darwin in the Cubillo and Gunner case where the "judgement said that the Commonwealth had not failed in its duty of care," you point out that, "as cases have to be tried considering the law at the time," and not "under today's law...Unless the court's decision can be reversed on appeal, any settlement which is to be lasting, which contributes to reconciliation, will have to be a political settlement." Do you think that there should be a bi-partisan commitment and approach  to establishing a framework for a political settlement?

I would like to think so. It would be the best thing that could happen. I happen to believe that the judge in that case was wrong because the Commonwealth's justification was that the child was not being properly educated with the family, with the mother and therefore, the child was taken away to a place where that education would be appropriate and to the advantage of the child. Now the judge did not dispute the evidence that the children had been abused, that they had a terrible time in the hostels, that very often, I think the education was quite inadequate. I believe that the duty of care for the Commonwealth should not just relate to the taking away of the child but to the quality of the institution in which the child was placed. So, this is just one other example where the Commonwealth system has let Australians down. And a Bipartisan approach to these issues would be tremendous, if it could be achieved. 

Given that this issue directly impacts on many Australians who see themselves as the legal owners of the land, and some who as taxpayers are reluctant for governments to outlay any financial compensation, how hopeful are you that a political settlement will eventuate and will not lead to a nation divided in its support for reconciliation?

I think 800 (000) people who walked across the bridge showed that the nation is pretty united in wanting reconciliation. I believe that we will achieve reconciliation as a united nation. 

You have stated in the Vincent Lingiari Memorial Lecture 2000, that, "We should also ask Governments to recognise that the condition of many Aboriginals is, to a significant extent a consequence of past policies of Government." In the context of inequitable levels of economic, social and educational support offered by government to indigenous Australians, what factors do you attribute to the short-comings of contemporary government policies to?

Well, the new Reconciliation Australia will be trying to define some of these aspects, I think. But just look at recent figures of life expectancy where the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians in, I think, three states, Western Australia, Northern Territory and South Australia, has widened. Now, that indicates clearly the package of Reconciliation to this point is not achieving the results that many people would want.   We really have to have a better understanding of where these issues lead and what the causes are, and a starting point might be in the book, "Where Warriors Lie Down and Die." 

How do you respond to the growing distrust in the electorate of political parties who campaign to deliver policies which are either ignored or changed once elected to office?

I really believe that much of the distrust of politicians relates to the category as a whole and very often people say, oh yes, Jo Blo, my member, I know him, he's a good fellow. So, while people tend to make universal judgments, it sometimes doesn't apply to the people they do in fact know. But, also I think in a number of issues whether it's been with problems with travel allowances or whatever, a number of people have let themselves and the system down, and when people see this happening amongst members of the Federal Parliament, they really do become disenchanted and there's a repair job that needs doing in relation to these matters. 

How has the people's perceptions of the events of 1975 affected you?  What would you say to those who still do not accept your actions of the day?

Well, there are a lot of people who don't accept my actions, not only actions then, but actions in recent times. The fact remains in 1975 and again in 1977, my government was returned with the two largest majorities in Australia's history. And if the Parliament was the same size as the Parliament today, those majorities would be even larger. So, the Australian people endorsed what we did. We were after all only saying that we want the Australian people to have the opportunity to vote, to make their judgment about who they want to govern the country. And on the day people vote, they are more democratic than at any other time.

Which particular aspects of your involvement with South Africa are you especially pleased about? Ha s your relationship with South Africans, in particular with Nelson Mandela changed you in any way?

Well, I think Nelson Mandela has changed any person he's met. He has set such an extraordinary example. After twenty-seven years in jail, to emerge only with generosity in his heart, and with forgiveness in his heart, but at the same time with a total determination to achieve the just objectives which he had pursued all his life - he really is a most remarkable person. The part of my involvement with South Africa which gives me most pleasure is the fact that when we had the Eminent Persons group trying to bring the government and the ANC into a negotiation, we set out the negotiating framework. We defined what both parties would have to do if the other was to have enough confidence in them to start a negotiation. And while the negotiation did not begin in our time, the negotiating framework that we defined was the negotiating framework ultimately accepted both by the government of South Africa and the ANC. So, I did think we did make a significant contribution to the ultimate abolition of Apartheid. 

As Chairman of CARE International, what vision do you have for the organisation? 

To continue to pursue its humanitarian mission, to continue to deliver aid and help people in distress who might otherwise die if we weren't around, and also on a sustainable basis, continually to improve the standard of living of people in the many many countries in which we are operating. Our objective is to be able to move into an area, do things which improve the standard of life and have that improvement continue after we're gone and, unfortunately there's a great deal of work ahead of us.