
Licia Kokocinski
Advocacy, Disability, Ethnicity, Community (ADEC)
Licia is the Executive Director of Advocacy, Disability,
Ethnicity, Community (ADEC). She migrated to Australia from Italy with her parents in
1955 as a very young child. The family was part of the great European
post-WWII exodus to part of the world that offered greater opportunities than
the war-ravaged Europe. She attended local state primary and secondary
schools, and left after completing Year 11. She went back to complete her
HSC as an adult, then entered University of Melbourne in 1978 to study part-time
for a Bachelor of Arts, and completed an Honours level with a major in Political
Science. She combined both study, employment and raising a family.
Some years later, she followed up the first degree with a Master Degree in
Public Policy and Management in 2004, focusing on the not-for-profit sector.
As far as professional life, Licia started with secretarial
jobs and after graduating with her first degree took up work in a range of
positions such as Equal Opportunities Conciliator, then a Workcover
Rehabilitation Advisor. In 1988 she was elected to the Victorian
Parliament as the Member for Melbourne West Province in the Upper House for the
ALP, a position she held until 1996 when she lost pre-selection. Her
highest political position was as Secretary to the Shadow Cabinet. Licia
experienced both the highs of Government and the low of Opposition. She worked
on a number of standing committees of the Parliament, party policy committees
and ministerial committees. After 1996, she combined running her own
consultancy with working in aged and disability in the western suburbs of
Melbourne, an area she knew very well. She also worked for a time as a
National Policy Director for an over-50’s organisation. In 2000, she was
appointed as Executive Director to ADEC, a position she still holds.
The “fire in the belly” is social justice issues, particularly as they affect people from diverse cultural backgrounds and she spent most of her professional life on multicultural issues. Since 2000 she has concentrated on advocating on the rights of people with a disability from our ethnically diverse community.”
Commentaries by Licia Kokocinski:
2 April 2010
What disability rights activists be looking for from the major parties
For the hard-heads in politics, disability is probably not a government-changing issue. So, what might disability rights activists be looking for from the major parties? And for ADEC – what are we looking for so that the rights of people with a disability from our culturally diverse society, are recognised.
Activists in the disability field come from a range of life experiences: Some may be people with a disability, and also from diverse cultural backgrounds; some may be parents, lovers, partners or some other way related to a person with disability; some may be genuinely passionate about the dignity of human life and cannot see why people are judged or valued simply by a measurement against bodily and mental perfection.
For me, the litmus test of how sophisticated and contemporary a society is, is measured by the level of human rights that everyone in a society is exposed to.
What I will be looking for in the policies of the major parties in the lead-up to the next federal election, is to what extent are they prepared to act to ensure that civil society includes people with a disability in every aspect of our nation’s future – not just elements for special pleading.
People with disability are just as diverse and come from just as broad a range of backgrounds and cultures as the rest of the Australian society – consequently, policies and actions need to reflect this diversity.
So – the areas that are important in the context that ADEC works in are:
· A commitment to implementing a non-discriminatory immigration and citizenship policy that ensures that people with disability are not prevented from seeking citizenship purely because of disability;
· Given the COAG changes that led to the Australian government divesting to the states the provision of disability services, that the national government develop benchmarks for states to reach;
· That the national government develop accountability mechanisms to ensure that policy directions at national level are implemented at the state level;
· That a national government take affirmative action for the next ten years to redress the decades of relatively insignificant improvements in the lives and status of people with disability;
· That in national policy matters, that inclusion of people with disability be taken as mandatory – this means that all policy pronouncements should be scrutinised against the UN Declaration on Rights of People with Disability and a human rights framework;
· That a national government secure bi-partisan approval for a mandatory national disability insurance scheme and if this not forthcoming, to proceed forthwith once the Productivity Commission has delivered on its findings;
· That a national government proceed with a legislated charter of human rights and responsibilities to ensure that, amongst other areas, the rights of all people with disability are respected and can be enforced.
There are numerous specific micro-policy areas that will be explored over the forthcoming months, but the above seven point charter is a start. This is what ADEC will be measuring the parties with.
18 April 2010
The Population Debate and the "ménage a trios"
There is much jostling and shadow
boxing by all the parties in the lead up to the 2010 federal election. Some call
it “hubris and humbug.”
There is lots of noise, much of it self-serving
and exaggerated, but no one is really sure what it all means.
Public policy development becomes a casualty in
this war of words.
There is one omnipresent feature of
our form of democracy, that a “ménage a trios” exists.
This threesome consists of:
public policy development, populism and practical
politics.
Depending upon where one is in the election cycle, public
policy development is the one who is going to get seriously hurt in this
threesome.
Let me give you one example – the “population” debate.
Since Australian federation way back
in 1900, the fear of being over-run by savage and unwashed hordes has been an
enduring theme.
In fact, the first piece of legislation passed by
the Australian Parliament was about limiting migration.
And what has changed one hundred years on!
We have had fears of communist takeovers, crime
gangs, military, economic and social invasions, and to inflame matters, the most
strident and noisy are very happy to fan the flames of discontent.
Australia has a relatively small
population, given its usable landmass.
We have an ageing population which will not be of
the same magnitude as Japan or Italy, but nonetheless, we will experience rapid
ageing of the population.
People with disability are living longer and
staying at home with their families.
We have a relatively high standard of living.
The vast majority of people live in the cities.
The population, despite the current
birth rate of just under 2 children per couple, is not at replacement rate.
Australia has to supplement its population with
immigration, and increasingly, fixed-term migrants, to continue to sustain our
standard of living – and to pay for the increasing ageing of the population.
How do people who fear population
growth think that our society can be supported?
Who in Australia will pay the taxes to fund social
goods and infrastructure, given that at some point in our lifetime, one quarter
of the population will be retired or unable to work due to frailty of old-age.
Who will care for our people with disability once
their parents die?
Support workers?
Well, yes, but only if there is an available pool
of workers.
With a declining tax-payer/employable persons base, there
won’t be enough people in the support services, even if individuals miraculously
had the money purchase services.
So, the public policy tension is that, to maintain a basic standard of living, we have to manage an increasing population to counter the natural reduction in taxpayers. The populists in our community will declare that our environment will be permanently damaged and our cities crowded and resemble sardines in tins, and the pragmatic politicians lick one finger, puts it up to the wind and goes with the air flow! All the noise is about immigration and stopping refugees. How short-sighted.
4 May 2010
Preliminary response
to Henry Tax Review
The Rudd Government has handed down
its initial response to the Henry Tax Review.
I don’t want to be characterised as a “nay-sayer”
because many of the changes mooted by Treasurer Swan are welcome as good public
policy and it is clearly written with the election in mind.
While the emphasis has been on long-term savings
(amongst other things) in recognition that Australia is an ageing population, I
wonder what the changes to superannuation will mean for women – as carers of
people with a disability (the vast majority of carers ARE women), and for women
generally.
Point No. 1 – It is mostly women who
care for people with a disability and/or ageing partners or other relatives.
Focusing ones life on caring for person with a
disability means that personal savings may be zero.
If the carer has a partner, then they will have to
rely on that person’s superannuation or an aged persons’ pension.
If the carer is single, the situation is dire.
By 2020 when the compulsory superannuation
contribution rises to 12%, if one does not earn a living, then 12% of nothing is
still nothing!
Virtually all of the people who come to the agency
which I lead are recipients of pensions or benefits of one type or another.
I have a huge concern that the gap between those
who have the wherewithal to financially plan for retirement will increasingly be
better off than for those women who are carers of people with a disability.
For working people, the rise in superannuation
payments is a welcome policy response.
Point 3 – People with disability find it difficult in finding
on-going or any employment.
Point 3 – Due to structural and other barriers, women
generally still earn less than men and leave the paid workforce earlier.
The philanthropic and charity sectors
(and those organisations who have charity status) are aware that the government
has at this stage, shied away from changing the rules governing registered
charities:
Am sure it would not have escaped Dr Henry’s notice that
charity status and the taxation benefits pertaining to this status make up for
the lousy pay for staff.
Given that there is a pay-equity case before Fair
Work Australia, the removal of charity status can only occur with huge pay rises
to workers in those organisations designated as charities.
And who is going to pay for these huge pay rises?
It is fundamental that workers are entitled to be
treated with dignity and to be rewarded accordingly, but someone will ultimately
have to pay.
I look forward to the federal government making some
announcements about the principles that could underpin a national disability
insurance scheme, whether as part of additional responses to the review of
taxation or as a result of Productivity Commission deliberations.
To finish, I do wish the Opposition would develop coherent policy positions rather than simply repeating the mantra about how Australian’s should pay less tax. Talk about “nay-sayers!”
18 June 2010
Congratulations to the Parliament on passing the legislation on paid parental leave
This week, federal parliament finally
passed a bill that will provide parents 18 weeks paid leave at the minimum wage.
The definition of “parent” refers to either
parent, and also brings in adoption under the umbrella.
The laws will take effect on January 1 and has
built into it a maximum salary qualification.
This is the first major substantial change to working
conditions since the equal pay case of many decades ago, and makes the older
piece of legislation allowing 12 months unpaid maternity leave pale into
insignificance.
Yet, with this most radical
legislation, the Melbourne “Age” relegated it to page 8, along with other bits
and pieces on federal politics.
At least the “Herald Sun” gave it page 1 – strange
for a paper that has a traditional and stereotyped outlook on life and society!
In the end, the Opposition supported
the bill, saying that they will make improvements when (and if!) they become the
government at the next election.
The one spanner in the works was Senator Fielding
– surprising – no!
He appears to be working assiduously to attract
the ultra-traditional/family values/domestic role for women votes in order to be
re-elected to the Senate.
It remains to be seen if he gets enough first
preference votes to make up a whole quota to get him into the Senate without
relying on preference deals.
He is clearly signalling to all and sundry that,
at the next election, he is not confident of getting any preference deals from
other significant parties.
If any of the parties have any real understanding of how
Australian society works – rather than how people would like Australian society
to work – preference deals with religious-based groups like Family First and
their representatives, will be dismissed out of hand.
Getting back to the parental leave –
the issue now for all employers is to seriously think about their
responsibilities in providing additional parental leave.
In the not-for-profit sector,
many agencies already allow for twelve weeks paid
parental leave and have done so for several years.
This is in order to retain valued and skilled
workers given the low salary base in this sector.
One of the unintended consequences to
the new law is that many mothers (especially) will return to work after 18
weeks, foregoing the rest of their unpaid leave allowance.
This is to be regretted, if this is what
transpires.
I still look forward to another piece of public policy becoming reality – the introduction of a National Disability Insurance Scheme.